It is quite easy to sit in one’s place in the woods of the Apennines, switch off the radio and hear nothing about what is happening in the world. The trees stand there, the birds get on with their business, and the rest of humanity can be safely ignored for a while. It is an attractive proposition.
The trouble is that, sooner or later, one switches the radio on again and discovers that the world has not been standing still.
Italy, and particularly its younger generation, is angry. There are plenty of reasons for this, but I suspect that many of them boil down to one simple problem: the cost of living.
This is hardly a new subject. We have all complained about it at one time or another. Every generation has had its own version of the argument, usually accompanied by the observation that things were cheaper when we were young. This is undoubtedly true, although our memories of the past conveniently forget the things we could not afford then either.
But there comes a point when the cost of living ceases to be an ordinary complaint and becomes a source of real social tension. It is the point at which working hard is no longer enough to provide the things that previous generations regarded as the normal rewards of adult life.
You cannot afford to buy a house. Worse still, you cannot afford to rent one without sacrificing an unreasonable proportion of your income. You may have a job, qualifications and ambitions, but the prospect of establishing an independent life becomes increasingly remote.
This is happening in Britain as well as Italy. It is hardly surprising that young people begin to question a system which seems to promise opportunity while making basic necessities increasingly inaccessible.
Nor is it simply a question of prices. There is the disparity between the wages of the richest and the poorest, the enormous differences in wealth, and the feeling that the rewards of economic growth have not been distributed generously to those who need them most.
One can argue about the virtues and failings of capitalism, but the system certainly tends to reward those who already possess wealth. Competition is supposed to produce efficiency and prosperity, but it can also become a free-for-all in which those who begin with the greatest advantages are best placed to win. The old Protestant work ethic, perhaps, gone rather wild: work hard, be industrious, and you will succeed. Except that, for an increasing number of people, the promised success seems to have been mislaid somewhere along the way.
And this loss of confidence is not merely economic. It is also historical and cultural.
After the Second World War, Italy was devastated. Yet, within a relatively short period, it became one of the most admired industrial and cultural nations in Europe. Entrepreneurs, designers, engineers, film-makers and countless ordinary workers helped to transform it.
Think of the Agnelli family and Fiat, of Adriano Olivetti and the typewriters that became internationally recognised symbols of Italian design and ingenuity. Think of the fashion houses, the cars shaped by the Farina tradition of automotive styling, the films of Fellini and Antonioni, and the extraordinary reputation that Italian food, wine and olive oil acquired throughout the world.
Italy was not merely recovering. It was creating something new.
Its cars, clothes, furniture, films and industrial products gave the country a prestige that seemed almost miraculous considering where it had started. It was a place that could look towards the future with confidence, and that confidence was infectious.
Meanwhile, Britain, at least in my recollection of the post-war years, could appear distinctly drab. There were gabardine raincoats, sensible shoes and a rather grey atmosphere. Italy seemed to be racing ahead in its own fashion, with elegant clothes, stylish cars and an extraordinary sense of visual flair. Those winkle-pickers were certainly more exciting than most of what we were wearing in England.
Of course, Britain had its own cultural revolution, particularly in music, and eventually British popular music became one of its great international exports. Italy had music of its own, as well as opera, cinema and a long artistic tradition. Cultural achievements cannot simply be transferred from one country to another, and each has its own character.
Nevertheless, there was a time when Italy seemed to possess an almost boundless capacity to invent, create and prosper.
What has happened to that confidence?
Italy remains a country of immense cultural, industrial and creative achievement. It would be absurd to suggest otherwise.
But many younger Italians face an uncertain future, with insecure employment, modest wages in many sectors, high housing costs in desirable areas and the prospect of leaving the country to find better opportunities elsewhere.
The problem is not that Italy has ceased to be a wonderful place. It is that being wonderful does not automatically provide its younger inhabitants with a secure future.
The pressures behind this uncertainty are not only economic. I have been discussing these matters with various people, including some of my cousins. One cousin in Italy, who has been closely involved in education, offered an interesting perspective. I asked her about the present unrest and compared it with 1968, when students and workers challenged established institutions throughout Europe.
Yes, she said, there are similarities, but things are different now.
I think she is right. There are several important differences.
First, there is the extraordinary expansion of mass and social media, and the speed with which opinions, grievances and political passions can spread. People can find themselves caught up in events taking place hundreds of miles away, sometimes before they have had much opportunity to establish what has happened. The same technology that allows people to communicate and organise also makes it remarkably easy for anger to intensify and become detached from its original cause.
Second, Italy has changed demographically. There are growing numbers of Italians whose parents were born abroad, many of whom were themselves born and educated in Italy. They are part of Italian society, yet questions of identity, discrimination, opportunity and belonging can remain painfully complicated. If people feel that they are treated differently from their contemporaries, resentment can develop. Understanding that resentment does not require us to approve of every political expression of it, still less of violence.
These wider changes become especially visible when we look at housing, migration and the movement of people across Europe.
And this brings me to Bagni di Lucca.
What, one might reasonably ask, is all this to do with our little corner of the Apennines? This is not Milan, Rome or Turin. It is a small community whose most prosperous days, some might argue, are already behind it.
Well, I have been here long enough to notice the disappearance of familiar establishments. Even the bars tell a story. Places that were once important meeting points have closed, and with them has gone something more than the opportunity to have a coffee or an aperitivo. Such establishments are part of a community’s social life. They are where people meet, exchange news and maintain the relationships that hold a town together.
Of course, a bar does not close for one reason alone. There are questions of costs, changing habits, population decline and the difficulties of running a small business. But when familiar establishments disappear, it is difficult not to wonder what kind of future the community has.
What, then, is keeping Bagni di Lucca going?
Part of the answer is tourism, and part is the presence of people from abroad who have bought houses in the area. Among them are many British people who have discovered that a property in rural Tuscany can offer something that has become prohibitively expensive in parts of Britain.
The English cottage in the Cotswolds or the bungalow by the coast , once perhaps dream of a comfortable retirement, is now beyond the reach of many people who might once have aspired to own one. Property prices have been driven upwards in some places by international demand and the purchasing power of wealthier buyers. For some British people, Italy offers an alternative: a stone house, a garden, a view of the mountains and a way of life that seems increasingly difficult to obtain at home.
I understand the attraction. I live here myself, and I know why people fall in love with this part of Tuscany.
Foreign residents can also make a genuine contribution. They pay taxes, employ builders, electricians, plumbers, gardeners and other local tradespeople. They shop in local markets, use local services and help support businesses that might otherwise struggle. In villages whose populations have declined as younger generations have moved to the cities, incomers can bring houses back into use and restore some life to places that might otherwise be left to decay.
Without them, parts of the local economy would undoubtedly be poorer.
But there is another side to the story.
Some incomers seem to create a little Britain of their own, living almost entirely within an English-speaking social circle. They may have lived in Italy for years without acquiring more than a handful of Italian words. They can enjoy the houses, scenery, food and sunshine while remaining detached from the people whose community they have joined.
What irritates me is not that they are British, nor that they have money or have found a better life here than the one they could afford at home. There is nothing inherently wrong with any of those things.
It is the attitude that sometimes accompanies them: the assumption that their customs and opinions are superior, that the local community exists to provide the services they require, and that learning the language or understanding their neighbours’ problems is optional.
There is a particularly uncomfortable contradiction when people praise Italian life, its traditions and its supposedly simpler values while making little effort to understand the actual lives of Italians. They admire the village but remain indifferent to the villagers.
I find the hypocrisy difficult to stomach. One can enjoy living in another country without pretending to be an expert on it, and without treating the people who have lived there all their lives as if they were merely part of the scenery.
And yet, here is the uncomfortable part: these same incomers help to keep the local economy moving. Their houses need maintenance, their gardens need tending, and their purchases support shops and businesses. They create work for local people.
But is that the kind of prosperity that Italians themselves want?
I suspect many would prefer an economy in which their children could find secure employment, afford a home, take a holiday and start a family without depending on the spending power of wealthier foreigners. They would like the opportunity to shape their own future rather than simply provide services for other people’s dreams.
There is a difference between a community that prospers because its inhabitants have good opportunities and one that survives partly because outsiders can afford what locals cannot.
The two situations are not mutually exclusive. Foreign investment and tourism can bring real benefits. The question is whether those benefits are shared widely enough, and whether the people who live in a place can still afford to belong to it.
This is not simply a question of Italian nationalism. Britain has experienced much the same problem.
In Cornwall, local people have protested against the purchase of second homes by wealthy English people, particularly those coming from London and the Home Counties. The argument is familiar: property prices rise, houses that might otherwise have been available to local families become holiday homes, and younger people find themselves unable to live in the communities where they grew up.
Wales has experienced similar tensions, particularly in Welsh-speaking communities where second-home ownership has raised concerns about the survival of the local language and culture. In the past, extreme Welsh nationalist groups even burnt down holiday homes as a form of protest. It was deplorable, but it illustrates how deeply housing can become entangled with identity, belonging and the future of a community.
So we should be careful before dismissing the concerns of Italians who see wealthy foreigners buying property in their villages. The same arguments have been made in Britain, for much the same reasons.
A Cornish family struggling to find an affordable home may feel little differently from an Italian family facing the same problem. Both may look at a house bought as a second home and wonder why they cannot afford to live in the place they call home.
But I would not want this to become a straightforward diatribe against foreigners, or a form of Italian nationalism that regards anyone from England or Northern Europe as an intruder. That would be unfair and economically short-sighted.
The question is not whether foreigners should be welcomed or rejected. It is whether the benefits they bring can be reconciled with the needs of those who already live there.
This becomes even more interesting when we look at the movement of people across Europe.
Consider the contrast between older people from Northern Europe who retire to Italy, Spain or Portugal, and younger Italians who move in the opposite direction to find work.
The older northerner may arrive with a pension, savings and the proceeds of a lifetime of employment. The money may go considerably further in rural Tuscany than it would in Britain, allowing a comfortable retirement in a beautiful house surrounded by olive trees and mountains.
Meanwhile, a young Italian may find that the only way to earn a salary sufficient to establish an independent life is to leave Italy for Britain, Germany, the Netherlands or another northern European country.
It is almost a reversal of expectations. One person moves south because life is more affordable there; another moves north because opportunities at home seem insufficient.
Of course, the picture is not quite so simple. Northern European countries have expensive housing too, and a higher salary does not necessarily mean a better standard of living once rent, transport and other costs have been paid. Nor does everyone who moves north find the opportunities they hoped for.
But the underlying imbalance is difficult to ignore.
What makes it particularly poignant is that Italy is not a country without talent. Far from it.
Look at the number of Italians who have found their way into important positions in British cultural institutions, including galleries, opera houses and other parts of the arts world. Look, too, at the many who have made careers in British restaurants, hotels and other businesses. They bring professional skills, imagination, experience and a cultural inheritance that enriches the country in which they work.
The same is true of people from other parts of Southern Europe.
Britain has benefited enormously from their contribution. Yet one cannot help wondering why so many talented people feel that they have better prospects abroad than at home.
They may find that their abilities are better rewarded, career progression is more attainable, or their work offers a salary with which they can build a more secure life.
This is the sad thing. Italy has produced extraordinary designers, engineers, musicians, chefs, architects and entrepreneurs. Yet some of its younger people feel compelled to take their talents elsewhere because the financial rewards and opportunities at home are insufficient.
It is not that Italians do not love Italy. They may love it passionately. But affection for one’s country does not pay the rent!
It would be easy to turn this into a dispute between Italians and foreigners, or between North and South. But I do not think that would get us very far. The British pensioner who buys a house here is not necessarily responsible for the economic difficulties faced by a young Italian family. Equally, the young Italian who leaves for London is not abandoning Italy through a lack of affection for his country.
Both are responding to their circumstances.
These pressures help explain why economic frustration eventually reaches the streets.
I have no sympathy for the destruction of beautiful buildings, the smashing of shops or the wrecking of industries on which people depend for their livelihoods as we have seen these days several Italian cities. Anger does not justify violence, and destroying public property does not create jobs or make housing more affordable.
Nor should we assume that everyone taking part in a demonstration shares the same grievances, political ideas or intentions. Some may be protesting peacefully about genuine economic difficulties; others may be exploiting the occasion for entirely different purposes.
I also find it difficult to accept the idea that the frustrations of second-generation Italians can be reduced to a single explanation. Questions of discrimination and unequal treatment deserve serious attention, but so do questions of responsibility, integration and the obligations that come with living together in a society. Fairness should not depend on a person’s family origins, and neither should respect for the law.
Some people suggest that Italians lack the tradition of street confrontation associated with the French. France certainly has a long history of barricades, revolutions and dramatic political protest, immortalised in paintings such as Delacroix’s Liberty Leading the People. But Italy has its own substantial history of demonstrations, strikes and political movements. It would be a mistake to imagine that peaceful protest is foreign to the Italian character.
And what of the government? Giorgia Meloni’s response to unrest will inevitably be judged differently by people with different political sympathies. I understand the desire for public order, but putting one’s foot down is not, in itself, a solution to the economic problems that have brought people onto the streets. A government can insist on respect for the law while still having to answer why so many people feel that the system is failing them.
I find myself in an awkward position. I am unhappy about what is happening, yet I cannot say that I entirely understand it. I can, however, understand something of the frustration behind it.
I can understand the anger of young Italians who look at house prices and wonder how they will ever own a home. I can understand the resentment of people whose wages do not keep pace with the cost of living. And I can understand why someone who has grown up in a place might feel bitter when wealthier newcomers can purchase houses that have become inaccessible to those born there.
I think of British incomers who arrive from the Home Counties, perhaps with a comfortable pension or the proceeds of a house sale, and find that they can afford a beautiful home in Tuscany. I can hardly blame them for taking the opportunity. But I do wish that some would occasionally look beyond their own good fortune and ask what life is like for the Italians around them.
And that brings me back to the woods of the Apennines. It is lovely to sit here and listen to the silence. But the silence does not mean that everything is well. Beyond the trees, people are worrying about their jobs, homes, children and future. Communities are trying to preserve their identity while adapting to enormous economic and demographic changes.
I would hate to see the Italian dream reduced to a collection of picturesque houses for wealthy foreigners while younger Italians struggle to find somewhere affordable to live.
Nor would I want the answer sought in hostility towards people from abroad. The British people who have settled here are not all the same, any more than Italians are. Many make genuine efforts to learn the language, support local businesses and become part of the community. They should not be blamed for every economic problem facing Italy.
But neither should local concerns be brushed aside simply because tourism and foreign investment bring money into the area.
Perhaps that is the real issue. Not whether foreigners should come to Italy, whether demonstrations should take place, or even whether capitalism is the villain of the piece. It is whether Italy can once again offer its own people a convincing reason to believe in the future.
All I can do is look around me, think about what I have seen in Britain and Italy, and recognise a pattern that is both fascinating and depressing.
Somewhere between the silent woods and the noise of the streets, there must be a way of making prosperity work for the people who actually live in these places.
The radio can be switched off. The woods can be silent. But the questions remain.